Australia’s own version of Schitt’s Creek – an entire town – is for sale.
Tiny Coopers Creek in Victoria’s bucolic east is on the market, with price expectations of $2.5 million to $3 million.
That sum is for the lot, which isn’t much at the moment, although it has a rich history and the area is frequented by holidaymakers.
The unusual listing mirrors what the Rose family did in the Emmy-winning show Schitt’s Creek – they owned the backwater town of Schitt’s Creek, where they moved to when their fortunes came crashing down.
For the sale price, the buyer will score all of the postcode of Coopers Creek – comprising 19 vacant blocks, from 660 square meters to more than 12,000 square meters, lining a single road (simply called Coopers Creek Road), plus a pub and a two-bedroom residence.
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The Rose family in their motel in the Emmy-award winning Schitt’s Creek. (Netflix)The layout of Coopers Creek showing blocks of varying sizes. (cooperscreek.com.au)
The listing is aimed at someone who wants to make the quaint spot, north of Traralgon in the Gippsland region, their life and work.
On 4.45 hectares on the Thomson River, Coopers Creek is a former copper and gold mining township and during its boom era, had a population of 250. Now, it has its own marketing website.
Copper was discovered there in 1864 and that led to the establishment of a town and the opening of a post office four years later.
Today, it is a speck in the mountains near Walhalla but draws nature lovers, including bushwalkers, kayakers, off-road drivers, horse riders and skiers destined for Mount Baw Baw (for this purpose, Coopers Creek has a dedicated campsite).
The Holyoak family own the town, which they bought incrementally, starting in the 1960s, the listing agency said.
READMORE:Swim champ Ariarne Titmus lands another gold with $1.65 million buy
The pub at Coopers Creek, with a dining room, pool room and kitchen. (cooperscreek.com.au)The bush town of Coopers Creek is on the river and attracts kayakers and adventure seekers. (cooperscreek.com.au)
The Coopers Creek Hotel, with a pool room, dining space, a kitchen and a stage for live bands, is the only surviving building from its heyday as a mining settlement.
Mason White McDougall director Ian Mason is handling the sale, which is by expressions of interest.
He said it was hard to put a finger on what an entire town should cost.
The $2.5 million to $3 million asking range is less than half the median house price of Bellevue Hill in Sydney, and is on par with the median house price in Sydney’s Chatwood and Melbourne’s Middle Park.
“If you have ever wanted to own your own town or be the mayor of your own domain, this is the place for you,” Mr Mason said in a statement.
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The Coopers Creek pub tucked away in bushland. (cooperscreek.com.au)Coopers Creek in Victoria was a copper and gold town and once home to 250 people. (cooperscreek.com.au)
“Whether it’s setting up a tourism business or a desire to live off grid immersed in nature, Coopers Creek offers endless opportunities including a break from city life and a change of scenery in one of Victoria’s most pristine natural environments.
“Like the Rose family in Schitt’s CreekCoopers Creek could be a life-changing move for the right buyer.”
Along with a significant footprint in David Jones stores, the brand is already stocked by e-tailers Shopbop, Net-a-Porter and Moda Operandi as well as Harvey Nichols and Matches in London, with chief executive and co-founder Chris Buchanan, formerly of Tigerlily, Ellery and Bettina Liano, helping propel the rapid growth.
Jermanus’s background at Tigerlily and Zimmerman can be seen in the intricate prints with a strong Indian influence, which are utilized alongside dead stock for extravagantly tiered dresses, cabana striped minis and generously proportioned tunics.
“We want to avoid producing collections for the sake of it,” Jermanus says. “We think of individual styles. Whose wardrobe will this end up in? Are they having fun in this? Where are they wearing it to?
Collaboration with artists such as Newcastle’s Annie Everingham and calligrapher Sam Pauletto keep collections fresh, without drifting too far from Alemais’s bohemian-with-a-budget aesthetics, with dresses varying from $375 to $895.
“I have been behind the scenes in this industry collaborating for 20 years,” Jermanus says. “I learned all aspects of the business because I wanted Germany to be robust. Now I get to be the one initiating collaborations with other artists. That’s exciting.”
Ngali designs at the Country to Couture show Darwin, as part of the Darwin Aboriginal Art Fair, August 2 and designer Denni Francisco.Credit:Dylan BuckeeGetty
Another freshly awarded label is Ngali, which took out the 2022 National Fashion Design Award at the National Indigenous Fashion Awards in Darwin last week. Imagine if Prada designer Miuccia Prada visited the Northern Territory and you come close to designer Denni Francisco’s aesthetic from her, utilizing the work of First Nations artists.
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“Everything that we do as First Nations, we always do it collectively,” Francisco, a Wiradjuri woman and former owner of the popular children’s brand Billecart Clothing, said in her acceptance award speech. “When we can do everything that we can do to forge pathways for the people that follow us, that is what we are about.”
Dresses range from $295 to $395 and are sold through Ngali’s website but with Francisco now working with clothing chain Country Road for another 12 months with the award mentorship prize, expansion is expected.
Defender Marcos Alonso was not included in Chelsea’s line-up for their opening match of the Premier League season against Everton as he wants to leave the club, manager Thomas Tuchel said on Saturday.
“He asked to leave and we agreed to his wish,” Tuchel told reporters after his team beat Everton 1-0 for their first victory at Goodison Park since 2017.
“That is why it would not have made sense to put him on the pitch.”
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The 31-year-old Alonso arrived at Stamford Bridge in 2016, being a central part of the team throughout the subsequent seasons.
Barcelona had been keen to sign both Alonso and Chelsea captain Cesar Azpilicueta, but the latter signed a new contract at Stamford Bridge with the Catalan club’s finances hampering their ability to make signings.
Chelsea lost defenders Antonio Rudiger and Andreas Christensen on free transfers during the summer before signing Kalidou Koulibaly and Marc Cucurella to bolster their backline.
Despite Saturday win, Tuchel said the team’s defense was not up to par against Everton.
“All three of our players in the back three are in their 30s and we struggled a bit in general at the end of the game,” Tuchel said.
“We need to improve our physical level and we are on it.”
Everton defender Ben Godfrey was admitted to hospital following a challenge from Kai Havertz early in the game.
“It feels like it is a small fracture of his leg. We are assessing that. He will be out for a while, Yerry (Mina) has an ankle injury and could be out for a while,” Everton manager Frank Lampard said.
When Peter Meijer voted to impeach Donald Trump, breaking with nearly all of his Republican colleagues in one of his first acts as a newly elected member of Congress, Democrats praised him as the kind of principled conservative his party – and the nation – desperately needed.
But this election season, as Meijer fought for his political survival against a Trump-endorsed election denier in a primary contest for a Michigan House seat, Democrats twisted the knife and helped his extremist opponent win.
It is part of a risky, and some say downright dangerous, strategy Democrats are using in races for House, Senate and governor: spending money in Republican primaries to elevate far-right candidates over more mainstream conservatives in the hope that voters will recoil from the election-denying radicals in November.
In Michigan, the gamble paid off – for now. Meijer lost after the House Democrats’ official campaign arm spent $425,000to elevate Meijer’s opponent, John Gibbs, a former Trump administration official who asserted, falsely, that Joe Biden’s victory was “simply mathematically impossible”.
It is impossible to know what impact the Democrats’ ad had on the race, but cost more than the Gibbs campaign raised.
Now, as the primary season nears its conclusion and the political battlefield takes shape, Democrats will soon learn whether the gambit was successful. While election deniers have prevailed in Republican primaries across the country without any aid from Democrats, critics say the effort has already undermined the party’s grave warnings about the threats to democracy.
“It is immoral and dangerous,” said Richard Hasen, a UCLA law professor and director of the Safeguarding Democracy Project. He said the risk of miscalculation was great, particularly at a moment when the January 6 committee is attempting to show just how destructive Trump’s stolen election myth has been for American democracy.
“It’s hard for Democrats to take the high road when they’re cynically boosting some of these candidates in order to try to gain an advantage in the general election,” he said. “That doesn’t mean that what Democrats are doing is as bad as what Republicans are doing, but it still makes it objectionable.”
Meijer’s defeat has fueled a sharp debate among Democrats over the potential perils of the tactic, especially as the party warns of the risks posed by these very Republicans. But others argue it’s a necessary and calculated gamble in pursuit of keeping a dangerous party from winning power.
“If you let Republicans back in power, it is going to be those Maga Republicans who are going to take away your rights, your benefits and your freedom,” Congressman Sean Patrick Maloney, chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said, defending the strategy in a recent interview on MSNBC’s Morning Joe. “We need to stop it.”
The president’s party historically loses ground during the midterms. Decades-high inflation and widespread frustration with leaders in Washington have dragged Joe Biden’s approval ratings to record lows, hampering Democrats’ efforts to preserve their razor-thin majorities in Congress.
The ads are ostensibly scripted as an attack – highlighting a candidate’s loyalty to Trump and their conservative views on abortion. In Michigan, for example, Democrats charged that Gibbs was “handpicked by Trump to run for Congress” and “too conservative” for the district. But when aired during a primary, the message is intended to appeal to the conservative base.
“The voters in the Republican primary had agency,” said Bill Saxton, the Democratic party chair in Kent county. “They had two choices.”
Saxton, whose county is situated in the west Michigan district, said it was now time to set aside the bickering over tactics and focus on the real threat: Gibbs’s extremism.
In 2020, Gibbs could not win Senate confirmation to direct Trump’s Office of Personnel Management over past comments he made, among them calling Democrats the party of “’Islam, gender-bending, anti-police, ‘u racist!’”.
Democrats’ efforts to pick their opponents extends far beyond a single Michigan House race. They have deployed this strategy in House, Senate and governor’s races across the country.
In Maryland, the Democratic Governors Association boosted Dan Cox, who attended the January 6 rally and called Vice-President Mike Pence a “traitor” for not stopping the congressional certification of Biden’s victory as Trump wished. He won the party’s nomination for governor. That was after Democrats’ spent millions of dollars to successfully promote the Trump-backed election denier in the Illinois Republican gubernatorial primary. Both states lean Democratic and the party is reasonably confident their candidate will prevail.
Doug Mastriano, an election denier, is the Republican nominee for governor in Pennsylvania. His Democratic opponent of him spent big to support him in the primary. Photograph: Carolyn Kaster/AP
The race causing the most angst is in Pennsylvania battleground. There the Democratic nominee for governor, Josh Shapiro, spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in TV ads boosting the rightwing extremist Doug Mastriano – far more than the candidate spent on his own campaign. Mastriano, who attended the January 6 rally and has cast doubt on the legitimacy of the 2020 election, is now the Republican nominee in a swing state where the chief elections officer is appointed by the governor.
Polls show a tight race.
The strategy hasn’t always worked. In California, the incumbent Republican congressman David Valadao narrowly beat back a rightwing challenger despite Democratic spending on ads that highlighted his vote for him to impeach Trump.
And in Colorado, an outside group aligned with Democrats spent millions to boost an election denier who marched to the Capitol with rioters on January 6 over a relatively moderate Republican, businessman Joe O’Dea, in the race to take on the Democratic Senator Michael Bennet . O’Dea won and now the resources Democrats spent to make him unpalatable to the Republican base may help him appeal to moderate and independent swing voters.
Meddling in the opposition’s primary is not a new tactic. In 2012, Claire McCaskill, then a Democratic senator from Missouri, was facing a difficult re-election in a state where Barack Obama was deeply unpopular.
Surveying her prospective opponents, she devised a plan to lift the one she thought would be the weakest candidate, the far-right congressman Todd Akin. It worked: he won the primary, and she beat him decisively in the general.
But a decade later, she is urging caution.
“This has to be done very carefully,” she told NPR, adding: “You also have to be careful what you wish for.”
Maloney, the DCCC chair, has said the committee has a “high bar” for meddling in a Republican primary, but insisted that there are races where it “does make sense.” Still, it has become an issue for Maloney in his own primary race, where his challenger, Alessandra Biaggi, has accused him of playing “Russian roulette with our democracy”.
Some Democrats have also expressed misgivings about punishing the few Republicans willing to stand up to Trump. David Axelrod, a longtime Democratic strategist and political adviser to Barack Obama, said Democrats’ involvement in Meijer’s primary “makes them an instrument of Trump’s vengeance”.
Trump’s support has been one of the most decisive factors in choosing the party’s standard bearers, not Democrats, said David Turner, a spokesman for the Democratic Governors Association. In these races, he said Democrats seized the opportunity to expose a prospective opponent’s extremism early and pre-emptively blunt any attempt to “pivot” toward the mainstream during the general election.
Turner blamed Republican leaders for being “too cowardly to tell their voters the truth” about the 2020 election, a failure that he said ensured the success of election-deniers in the GOP’s 2022 nominating contests.
In Pennsylvania, one of Mastriano’s chief rivals was Lou Barletta, a signatory to the state’s fake elector scheme. And in Colorado, the candidate deemed more moderate won the Republican primary for governor but then selected an election denier to be her running mate.
“There aren’t any Liz Cheneys running for governor,” he said, referring to the Republican vice chair of the January 6 committee who may lose her primary over efforts to hold Trump accountable. “In terms of gubernatorial candidates, the scary part is that all these Republicans are regurgitating the same Maga talking points.”
Still, some Democrats argue that they are being held to a different standard than Republicans, who have failed to hold Trump and loyalists in Congress accountable. They say Republicans often cheer their leaders for being ruthless while Democrats are criticized for refusing to play hardball, especially when the stakes are the highest.
As a result of gerrymandering, Republican dominance of the redistricting process and historical trends, Democrats see few opportunities to flip House seats this cycle. Michigan’s third congressional district is one of them.
Gibbs has downplayed the impact of the ads, and projected confidence that he can win in November.
Hillary Scholten, the Democrat who will face him in the Michigan House race and had no involvement in the DCCC’s decision, called the focus on her party’s tactics an unwanted distraction from the issues voters care most about.
Scholten said: “It is the Republicans that decided who they wanted in their primary, and they chose John Gibbs, an extremist that embraces conspiracy theories and is way out of step with west Michigan. I’m focused on making sure he doesn’t get to Congress.”
Her newly redrawn Michigan district is considerably more favorable to Democrats this cycle than it was two years ago. And many Democrats believe Scholten, a former justice department attorney in the Obama administration who came close to beating Meijer in 2020, would have been a strong contender in a rematch.
While many are confident she can beat Gibbs, those still haunted by Trump’s against-the-odds victory in 2016 fear that in a “wave” election, Republicans deemed unelectable could be swept to power.
On the eve of his primary race, Meijer lashed Democrats in an online essay that accused them of “selling[ing] out any pretense of principle for political expediency”.
“Republican voters will be blamed if any of these candidates are ultimately elected,” Meijer wrote in an online essay published on the eve of the primary, “but there is no doubt Democrats’ fingerprints will be on the weapon. We should never forget it.”
There’s a time and a place for everything and, for Gang of Youths on this tour, this was both.
Frontman Dave Le’aupepe grew up 15 minutes from this venue, he frequently mentions on this night, and used to come here for “f—ing boring” (his words) church conferences. The fact that his band from him is now performing in the vast arena he knew over the years as the Super Dome, Acer and then Allphones, in front of his closest family from him and alongside some of his closest friends from him, is far from lost on him.
Joyful and cathartic: Gang of Youths frontman Dave Le’aupepe at Qudos Bank Arena on Saturday night.Credit:Jess Gleeson
But for all the emotion coursing through this show, and which gives undoubted poignancy to a tender trio of songs late in the set (brothers, Our Time Is Short and Forbearance), what you’ll love most – what you always love most at a Gang of Youths gig – is the unashamed and infectious energy Le’aupepe brings.
He shimmies, he spins and, when the breakbeats that often turn up on the band’s third album, Angel in Realtimereleased this year, kick in, he throws himself around like a man possessed.
It’s not fair just to talk about Le’aupepe, though – something even he makes a point of acknowledging so the whole band get their fair share of the applause.
The most obvious contributors are diminutive keyboard player-turned-lead guitarist Jung Kim and violinist Tom Hobden, but the whole band is terrific, and that’s before we get to support act Gretta Ray. She not only doubles up as Gang of Youths’ backing vocalist throughout, she also leads the first half of The Deepest Sights, the Frankest Shadows and gives it an enthralling feminine spin.
A show of near-biblical proportions: Gang of Youths on Saturday night.Credit:Jess Gleeson
The band is audacious enough to lean heavily into the new album, even if the occasional tune from it might not be quite as good as they think it is, but that proves not to matter when they have fresh rock bangers such as In the Wake of Your Leave ready to join the exalted ranks of Let Me Down Easy – stopped and restarted twice on this night for comic effect to properly kickstart the crowd – as well as The Heart is a Muscle and Magnoliaand the impossibly joyful, cathartic rushes they provide.
GWS have scored a 27-point win over Essendon at Giants Stadium.
The Giants brought increased intensity from the outset – including a pre-game scuffle – with their 14.12 (96) to 10.9 (69) win earmarked by 53-44 tackles including 16-1 inside 50 tackles, and 42-25 one percenters for the game.
In a topsy turvy game, where both sides had two three-goal runs each in the first half, Essendon had hit the lead for the first time early in the third term after Matt Guelfi kicked the third of his four goals, before GWS responded with a run of seven consecutive goals to pull away for victory.
Lachie Whitfield re-discovered his rebound and dash off half-back with a game-high 30 disposals for 549 meters gained and a fourth-quarter goal which sealed the win from Jayden Laverde’s wayward central pass.
Former Rising Star winner Jesse Hogan was excellent up forward with a season-high four goals and 12 marks.
The Bombers had come into the game as one of the league’s in-form sides, with their 5-2 record from the past seven games only bettered by top-two pair Geelong and Collingwood over that stretch.
The influence of in-form baller Zach Merrett, who had 38 disposals last round, was quelled by close marking from Harry Perryman, with the Dons star restricted to 19 touches. The impact of running defenders Nick Hind and Mason Redman were blunted too.
Darcy Parish returned from a four-game lay-off due to a calf issue to be Essendon’s best with 28 disposals including a game-high 14 contested possessions.
The Giants got off to a flying start with the game’s first three goals before Essendon responded with three of their own to narrow the gap to two points at the first break. The game followed a similar pattern in the second, with GWS’s pressure to highlight yet they only led by two points at half-time.
Early third term goals from Guelfi and Ben Hobbs put the Dons ahead by 10 points but the Giants were able to reassert control, having 53-37 inside 50s for the game, with Whitfield dominant while Hogan and Toby Greene, who kicked 2.2, were constant threats up forward.
GREATER WESTERN SYDNEY 3.5 7.7 11.9 14.12 (96) ESSENDON 3.3 7.5 9.8 10.9 (69)
At least nine people were shot during a mass shooting in Over-the-Rhine Sunday. Cincinnati police said it happened at the corner of 13th and Main streets around 1:30 am According to police, that’s where one person fired into a crowd outside a bar. Officials said a police officer discharged their weapon while responding to the scene. Police say they do not know if the shooter was hit but did say the shooter was actively shooting when the officer fired at them. Surveillance video shows the initial panic of many patrons along Main Street as shots began to ring out. All of the victim’s were found at the scene on 13th and Main streets. Police said none of the victim’s injuries were life-threatening. Cincinnati police gave first aid to a lot of the victims on the scene, applying tourniquets to gunshot wounds. Cincinnati police also transported some of the victims in their cruisers while others self transported to hospitals. It’s unclear at this time which hospitals they were taken to. The suspect fled the scene, police say, and is not yet in custody. The suspect has been described as wearing a white shirt and dark pants. Police said officers used flash bangs for crowd control in the aftermath of the shooting. Lindsay Swadner, the owner of The Hub in Over-the-Rhine, said she heard 30 shots and walked outside where she saw multiple people with gunshot wounds. Swadner said after that, that’s when the chaos erupted. People began to run and find safety moments after they were enjoying a night out with friends and family. The Hub became a safe haven, with multiple people running inside to seek cover and safety.” There was probably about 25 to 30 shots fired off in two separate rounds.You had first where it went ‘bang, bang, bang, bang,’ we all start looking around going, ‘Was it over?’ And then you heard ‘bang, bang, bang, bang’ and everyone started running inside of wherever you could go,” Swadner recalled. “And so we started pulling people inside. I made sure everyone was inside, I walked up the street to see what happened and there was, of course, more shooting victims, I’m not sure how many.” people seeking cover inside The Hub was a wedding party. There was also a separate shooting at the Banks earlier Sunday morning. WLWT is told the two shootings aren’t believed to be related. We are working to learn more about that incident. If anyone has information on either shooting, they are asked to call Crime Stoppers at 513-352-3040. This is a developing story.
CINCINNATI—
At least nine people were shot during a mass shooting in Over-the-Rhine Sunday.
Cincinnati police said it happened at the corner of 13th and Main streets around 1:30 am
According to police, that’s where one person fired into a crowd outside a bar.
Officials said a police officer discharged their weapon while responding to the scene. Police say they do not know if the shooter was hit but did say the shooter was actively shooting when the officer fired at them.
Surveillance video shows the initial panic of many patrons along Main Street as shots began to ring out.
All of the victim’s were found at the scene on 13th and Main streets.
Police said none of the victim’s injuries were life-threatening.
Cincinnati police gave first aid to a lot of the victims on the scene, applying tourniquets to gunshot wounds. Cincinnati police also transported some of the victims in their cruisers while others self transported to hospitals. It’s unclear at this time which hospitals they were taken to.
The suspect fled the scene, police say, and is not yet in custody. The suspect has been described as wearing a white shirt and dark pants.
Police said officers used flash bangs for crowd control in the aftermath of the shooting.
Lindsay Swadner, the owner of The Hub in Over-the-Rhine, said she heard 30 shots and walked outside where she saw multiple people with gunshot wounds.
Swadner said after that, that’s when the chaos erupted. People began to run and find safe moments after they were enjoying a night out with friends and family.
The Hub became a safe haven, with multiple people running inside to seek cover and safety.
“There was probably about 25 to 30 shots fired off in two separate rounds. You had first where it went ‘bang, bang, bang, bang,’ we all start looking around going, ‘Was it over?’ And then you heard ‘bang, bang, bang, bang’ and everyone started running inside of wherever you could go,” Swadner recalled. “And so we started pulling people inside. I made sure everyone was inside, I walked up the street to see what happened and there was, of course, more shooting victims, I’m not sure how many.”
She added that among the people seeking cover inside The Hub was a wedding party.
There was also a separate shooting at the Banks earlier Sunday morning. WLWT is told the two shootings aren’t believed to be related. We are working to learn more about that incident.
If anyone has information on either shooting, they are asked to call Crime Stoppers at 513-352-3040.
Teresa Giudice and Luis Ruelas are married. The “Real Housewives of New Jersey” stars exchanged vows outside at the Park Chateau and Garden in East Brunswick in front of family and friends on Saturday, August 6, 2022. The reception followed.
“Nestled midway between Manhattan and Philadelphia on 15 rolling acres, the Park Château Estate & Gardens is a beautiful wedding venue and event hall… This elegant wedding venue allows its visitors to step into the pages of a classic French Novel by embracing the gorgeous architecture of the time and capturing the essence of romance,” reads the description on the venue’s website.
Giudice’s four daughters — Gia, Gabriella, Milania, and Audriana — served as her maids of honor. Meanwhile, Ruelas’ two sons, David and Nicholas, stood next to their dad during the ceremony.
Here’s what you need to know:
Giudice Wore a Strapless Gown & a Crown on Her Head
Giudice chose a white, strapless gown with a sweetheart neckline and long lace gloves for her special day while Ruelas wore a white suit coat, a black bow tie, and a pair of black slacks. Giudice wore a diamond crown and had some of her hair teased up in it and the rest hanging down her back in curls.
According to People magazine, Giudice walked down the aisle to “Ave Maria,” which was a nod to her late parents. Ruelas’ sister of hers, Veronica Ruelas, officiated the wedding.
“I will love you for a million tomorrows,” Giudice told Ruelas after the two exchanged vows, according to People.
The bridesmaids wore pink gowns while the groomsmen were in dark suits. The wedding theme was elegant with “gold accents, white linens and lush floral arrangements, including two oversized hearts made of white florals,” the outlet reported.
In early photos released on Instagram by fan accounts, Giudice’s daughters can be seen standing on the side of the makeshift altar, all holding bouquets of white flowers.
The guest list included Jennifer Aydin, Dolores Catania, Margaret Josephs, and Jackie Goldschneider, from RHONJ as well as Chanel Ayan from RHODubai, Ashley Darby from RHOP, Dorinda Medley and Jill Zarin from RHONY, and RHOA stars Kenya Moore, Phaedra Parks and Cynthia Bailey.
Giudice’s Brother & Sister-in-Law Did Not Attend
Just a day before Giudice and Ruelas’ wedding took place, rumors that her brother, Joe Gorga, and his wife, Melissa Gorga, would not be in attendance.
Within hours, there were news reports all over the internet about a huge fight involving Giudice and the Gorgas that took place during the taping of the RHONJ season 13 finale, according to People magazine. The feud is expected to play out on RHONJ when the show returns to Bravo later this year.
In addition, Giudice’s longtime best friend, Dina Manzo, didn’t attend the wedding. A source told Page Six that there weren’t any hard feelings between the two women but that Manzo ultimately decided that she didn’t want to be on television so once Bravo confirmed that the wedding would be filmed, Manzo — who was initially in Giudice’s wedding party—bowed out.
READ NEXT: Joe & Melissa Gorga Skipping Teresa Giudice’s Wedding Following On-Camera Blowout: Report
Former Richmond forward Nathan Brown thinks Tigers star Shai Bolton is the best player in the AFL currently.
Bolton is having a career-best year in 2022 as he averages career-highs in kicks, goals, clearances and inside 50s, but it’s not on that stat sheet that impresses most.
Given the 23-year-old’s freakish ability, it’s his impact per touch that is most astounding as his possessions constantly turn to scores for Richmond whether he’s kicking them or setting up teammates.
Following his starring four-goal, 17-disposal outing in Saturday’s win over Port Adelaide, Brown explained why he has Bolton as the competition’s best.
“I think he’s the best player in the game right now,” Brown said on Nine’s Sunday Footy Show.
“Obviously (Clayton) Oliver, (Lachie) Neale and those guys are going to be up in the Brownlow, but there’s nobody that’s doing what he’s doing right now.
“There’s no one that can get a ball in a contested situation and do what he does.
“For that, I think he’s the best player in the game, he was tagged a bit last night by (Ryan) Burton and still got the job done.”
While Bolton has been dominant in yellow and black, his season could’ve been even more impressive if he had kicked straight.
With 39 behinds to go alongside his 39 goals, Brown believes Bolton could even reach heights that no other AFL player has ever reached if he becomes accurate in front of the big sticks.
“If I’m the footy club and if I’m Shai Bolton, I’m practicing so much my goalkicking over the pre-season because that could take him to a stratosphere that maybe an AFL player hasn’t been to,” Brown said.
“He’s kicked 39.39, if he had kicked 50 or 55 goals this year, he would be winning the Brownlow medal.
“That’s the only weakness in his game, he gets enough shots on goal so if he has a big pre-season, works on that and gets to 70 or 75 per cent (goal accuracy), then you can’t stop him.
“You can’t stop him in the air, you can’t stop him on the ground, they’ve tried to tag him and they can do it.
“He’s the best in the business.”
Bolton and Richmond will look to continue their finals push when they face Hawthorn at the MCG next Sunday.
“That could take him to a stratosphere that maybe an AFL player hasn’t been to.” 🤯
Nathan Brown says Shai Bolton is the best player in the comp right now, but can still go to another level if he works on one area of his game.#9AFLSFS | Watch on @Channel9pic.twitter.com/Hty9J1BDWH
CHEYENNE, Wyo. — It was just over a month before her primary de ella, but Representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming was nowhere near the voters weighing her future de ella.
Ms. Cheney was instead huddled with fellow lawmakers and aides in the Capitol complex, bucking up her allies in a cause she believes is more important than her House seat: Ridding American politics of former President Donald J Trump and his influence.
“The nine of us have done more to prevent Trump from ever regaining power than any group to date,” she said to fellow members of the panel investigating Mr. Trump’s involvement in the Jan. 6 Capitol attack. “We can’t let up.”
The most closely-watched primary of 2022 has not become much of a race at all. Polls show Ms. Cheney losing badly to her rival of her, Harriet Hageman, Mr. Trump’s vehicle for revenge, and the congresswoman has been all but driven out of her Trump-loving state, in part because of death threats, her office of her says.
Yet for Ms. Cheney, the race stopped being about political survival months ago. Instead, she’s used the Aug. 16 contest as a sort of a high-profile stage for her martyrdom de ella — and a proving ground for her new crusade de ella. She used the only debate to tell voters to “vote for somebody else” if they wanted a politician who would violate their oath of office. Last week, she enlisted her father de ella, former Vice President Dick Cheney, to cut ad calling Mr. Trump a “coward” who represents the greatest threat to America in the history of the republic.
In a state where Mr. Trump won 70 percent of the vote two years ago, Ms. Cheney might as well be asking ranchers to go vegan.
“If the cost of standing up for the Constitution is losing the House seat, then that’s a price I’m willing to pay,” she said in an interview this week in the conference room of a Cheyenne bank.
The 56-year-old daughter of a politician who once had visions of rising to the top of the House leadership — but landed as vice president instead — has become arguably the most consequential rank-and-file member of Congress in modern times. Few others have so aggressively used the levers of the office to attempt to reroute the course of American politics — but, in doing so, she has effectively sacrificed her own future de ella in the institution she grew up to revere.
Ms. Cheney’s relentless focus on Mr. Trump has driven speculation — even among longtime family friends — that she is preparing to run for president. She has done little to discourage such talk.
At a house party Thursday night in Cheyenne, with former Vice President Dick Cheney happily looking on under a pair of mounted leather chaps, the host introduced Ms. Cheney by recalling how another Republican woman, Maine Senator Margaret Chase Smith, confronted Senator Joseph McCarthy when doing so was unpopular — and went on to become the first female candidate for president from a major party.
The attendees applauded at the parallel, as Ms. Cheney smiled.
In the interview, she said she was focused on her primary—and her work on the committee. But it’s far from clear that she could be a viable candidate in the current Republican Party, or whether she has interest in the donor-class schemes about a third-party bid, in part because she knows it may just siphon votes from an opposing Democrat Mr Trump.
Ms. Cheney said she had no interest in changing parties: “I’m a Republican.” But when asked if the GOP she was raised in was even salvageable in the short term, she said: “It may not be” and she called her party “very sick.”
Understand the Aug. 2 Primary Elections
While the Trump wing of the Republican Party flexed its muscle, voters in deep-red Kansas delivered a loud warning to the GOP on abortion rights.
The party, she said, “is continuing to drive itself in a ditch and I think it’s going to take several cycles if it can be healed.”
Ms. Cheney suggested she was animated as much by Trumpism as Mr. Trump himself. She could support a Republican for president in 2024, she said, but her redline de ella is a refusal to state clearly that Mr. Trump lost a legitimate election in 2020.
Asked if the ranks of off-limits candidates included Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, whom many Republicans have latched onto as a Trump alternative, she said she “would find it very difficult” to support Mr. DeSantis in a general election.
“I think that Ron DeSantis has lined himself up almost entirely with Donald Trump, and I think that’s very dangerous,” Ms. Cheney said.
It’s easy to hear other soundings of a White House bid in Ms. Cheney’s rhetoric.
In Cheyenne, she channeled the worries of “moms” and what she described as their hunger for “somebody’s who’s competent.” Having once largely scorned identity politics — Ms. Cheney was only the female lawmaker who would n’t pose for a picture of the women of Congress after 2018 — she now freely discusses gender and her perspective of ella as a mother.
“These days, for the most part, men are running the world, and it is really not going that well,” she said in June when she spoke at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, Calif.
In a sign that Ms. Cheney’s political awakening goes beyond her contempt for Mr. Trump, she said she prefers the ranks of Democratic women with national security backgrounds to her party’s right flank.
“I would much rather serve with Mikie Sherrill and Chrissy Houlahan and Elissa Slotkin than Marjorie Taylor Greene and Lauren Boebert, even though on substance certainly I have big disagreements with the Democratic women I just mentioned,” Ms. Cheney said in the interview. “But they love this country, they do their homework and they are people who are trying to do the right thing for the country.”
Ms. Cheney is surer of her diagnosis for what ails the GOP than she is of her prescription for reform.
She has no post-Congress political organization in waiting and has benefited from Democratic donors, whose affections may be floating. To the frustration of some allies, she has not expanded her inner circle beyond family and a handful of close advisers. Never much of a schmoozer, she said she longed for what she recalled as her father’s era of policy-centric politics.
“What the country needs are serious people who are willing to engage in debates about policy,” Ms. Cheney said.
It’s all a far cry from the Liz Cheney of a decade ago, who had a contract to appear regularly on Fox News and would use her perch as a guest host for Sean Hannity to present her unswerving conservative views and savage former President Barack Obama and Democrats .
Today, Ms. Cheney doesn’t concede specific regrets about helping to create the atmosphere that gave rise to Mr. Trump’s takeover of her party. She did, however, acknowledge a “reflexive partisanship that I have been guilty of” and noted Jan. 6 “demonstrated how dangerous that is.”
Few lawmakers today face those dangers as regularly as Ms. Cheney, who has had a full-time Capitol Police security detail for nearly a year because of the threats against her — protection few rank-and-file lawmakers are assigned. She no longer provides advance notice about her Wyoming travel and, not welcome at most county and state Republican events, has turned her campaign into a series of invite-only House parties.
What’s more puzzling than her schedule is why Ms. Cheney, who has raised over $13 million, has not poured more money into the race, especially early on when she had an opportunity to define Ms. Hageman. Ms. Cheney had spent roughly half her war chest de ella as of the start of July, spurring speculation that she was saving money for future efforts against Mr. Trump.
Ms. Cheney long ago stopped attending meetings of House Republicans. When at the Capitol, she spends much of her time with the Democrats on the Jan. 6 panel and often heads to the Lindy Boggs Room, the reception room for female lawmakers, rather than the House floor with the male-dominated House GOP conference. Some members of the Jan. 6 panel have been struck by how often her Ella’s Zoom background is her suburban Virginia home.
In Washington, even some Republicans who are also eager to move on from Mr. Trump question Ms. Cheney’s decision to wage open war against her own party. She’s limiting her future influence on her, they argue.
“It depends on if you want to go out in a blaze of glory and be ineffective or if you want to try to be effective,” said Senator John Cornyn of Texas, who has his own future leadership aspirations. “I respect her but I wouldn’t have made the same choice.”
Ms. Cheney is mindful that the Jan. 6 inquiry, with its prime-time hearings, is viewed by critics as an attention-seeking opportunity. She has turned down some opportunities that could have been helpful to her ambitions, most notably proposals from documentary filmmakers.
Still, to her skeptics at home, Ms. Cheney’s attacks on Mr. Trump have resurrected dormant questions about her ties to the state and raised fears that she has gone Washington and taken up with the opposition, dismissing the political views of the voters who gave her and her father their starts in electoral politics.
At a parade in Casper last month, held while Ms. Cheney was in Washington preparing for a hearing, Ms. Hageman received frequent applause from voters who said the incumbent had lost her way.
“Her voting record is not bad,” said Julie Hitt, a Casper resident. “But so much of her focus on her is on Jan 6.”
“She’s so in bed with the Democrats, with Pelosi and with all them people,” Bruce Hitt, Ms. Hitt’s husband, interjected.
Notably, no voters interviewed at the parade brought up Ms. Cheney’s support for the gun control bill the House passed just weeks earlier — the sort of apostasy that would have infuriated Wyoming Republicans in an era more dominated by politics than one man’s person.
“Her vote on the gun bill hardly got any publicity whatsoever,” Mike Sullivan, a former Democratic governor of Wyoming who intends to vote for Ms. Cheney in the primary, said, puzzled. (Ms. Cheney is pushing independents and Democrats to re-register as Republicans, as least long enough to vote for her in the primary.)
For Ms. Cheney, any sense of bafflement about this moment — a Cheney, Republican royalty, being effectively read out of the party — has faded in the year and a half since the Capitol attack.
When she attended the funeral last year for Mike Enzi, the former Wyoming senator, Ms. Cheney welcomed a visiting delegation of GOP senators. As she greeted them one by one, several of her praised her bravery and told her to keep up the fight against Mr. Trump, she recalled.
She did not miss the opportunity to pointedly remind them: They, too, could join her.
“There have been so many moments like that,” she said at the bank, a touch of weariness in her voice.
